This week, we’ll focus upon the November 2, 1920 massacre and flight of the black citizens of Ocoee, Florida. Following the First World War, the black population of Ocoee greatly increased. Due to agricultural production, black workers and their families found the area more or less ideal. By 1920, 45% of the population was black.
The black Floridians also wished to have a say in their government. Republican officials began to hold meetings with the black voters at black churches. These meetings were always held in secret, spread by word of mouth, as to do otherwise would cause white Democratic voters to organize against a feared uprising.
When word of the black citizens organizing to vote was spread, the local chapter of the Ku Klux Klan quickly showed their strength. On October 29, less than a week before election day, 500 robed Klansman rode through Orlando, ten miles away. “We are marching 1,000,000 strong throughout the South tonight,” said the leader. 1Lester Dabbs, Jr. “A Report of the Circumstances and Events of the Race Riot on November 2, 1920 in Ocoee, Florida,” Masters Thesis, 1969. This is, by far, the most important research on the Ocoee Massacre. It can (and should) be read here.
Orange County, Florida had always been a white supremacist strong hold. The idea of black citizens voting, especially voting Republican, could not be tolerated. Because of this, white officials had poll watchers – de facto deputies whose only job was to force any black person who tried to vote to see a notary public first. Orange County’s notary public, Justice of the Peace R.C. Bigelow, was the only means by which they could vote. 2Ibid.
From here, we’ll allow Lester Dabbs, Jr.’s Masters Thesis on the Ocoee election day massacre to tell the story.
The Events of the Election Day Riot
In preparation for the expected attempts by Negroes to vote on election day, the political leaders of the community had taken the necessary precautions to preclude the possibility of a Negro’s being able to vote. These leaders had, for instance, stationed persons at the polls whose job it was to challenge the vote of any Negro making an effort to exercise the franchise. This challenge would then necessitate the Negroes’ appearing before a notary public, in this case Justice of the Peace R.C. Bigelow. The concluding preparation of the whites was to arrange for teh Honerable Mr. Bigelow to vote early and then conveniently go fishing, thus making it necessary for any Negro desirous of voting to make the long trip into Orlando. 3Arthur Clark, a former Orange County Commissioner and Stetson student, an Ocoee resident, citusman, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal interview.
It is at this point in the story that sources of information tend to disagree on the chronology of events and it is difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain just exactly what happened. The most popular story is that one of the two major Negro leaders of the Negro community, Mose Norma, attempted to vote in the morning. His vote was challenged because he had not paid the poll tax, and he was sent away from the polls. He went into Orlando to consult with Judge Cheney as to what action to take, and he returned to the polls in the afternoon and demanded that he be permitted to vote. Once again he was refused this privilege and was sent away form the polls disgruntled as before. 4This is a synthesis of the accounts of the activities of the day as enumerated by Msrs. Clark, Pounds, Salisbury, Wilson, etc. (The newspaper account has the unnamed Negro taking a shotgun with him on his second trip to the ballot box, but he was disarmed and sent away.) 5Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1. [This specific issue isn’t available to me, but I found this: The Coffeyville Daily Journal; Coffeyville, Kansas
Wed, Nov 3, 1920 – Page 15. Here. It names July Perry, not Norman, as the man with the shotgun.]
Mose then retired to his home, picked up a shotgun, and returned to town. When he stopped at Hoyle Pounds’ garage, an unidentified white man saw the shotgun on the rear seat of the automobile and questioned him about the weapon. Mose replied that it was for shooting rabbits, but when Constable Bernie Cannon unbreached the gun he discovered that it was loaded with buckshot. In the ensuing exchange of vulgarities, Constable Cannon disarmed the Negro and struck him over the head with a revolver. The Negro was then permitted to get into his car and leave. 6Arthur M. Clark, retired Ocoee, Florida resident and former Stetson student, Orange County official, and Spanish American War Veteran. Personal Interview.
The Negro account differs in that it maintains [July] Perry voted very early and eluded the preparations made to prevent Negroes from voting. It further blamed the ensuing events on Perry’s voting and maintained subsequent events of the day were precipitated to punish him for this act. 7Richard Allen Franks, nephew of July Perry, now a resident of Plymouth, Florida after fleeing from Ocoee to Sanford, to Jacksonville in 1920.
The account of one woman who voted for the first time at age forty-one relates that in addition to the poll watcher, there were four armed KKK members stationed across the street from the polls. One of these men was the “firebrand” leader of the local Klan unit. 8Mrs. Vivian Watson, Ocoee resident whose home was adjacent to the “Southern Quarters.” Personal Interview. Despite this account and one just preceding, another account states that there was no violence or threat of violence at the polls. 9Colonel Sam C. Salisbury, a former West Point cadet, Standard Oil Company ship’s captain, Ocoee city official, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal Interview.
The conflicting testimony continues, but when one realizes that the events took place forty-nine years ago and that the succeeding events of the day represent a trauma to the residents of the area still alive, then perhaps the divergent views are understandable. Most sources agree that after the polls closed, and while whites were gathered around the grocery stores owned by William Blakely and Tom Minor, Burley Jones, an ex-slave, stopped by and warned them that “the niggers” were cooking up trouble at a meeting at July Perry’s house. Burly then continued on his way to his quarters and was seen no more that day. 10Ibid.
One accounting of the succeeding events has it that Clyde Pounds, a deputy sheriff, deputized some twenty men to go to investigate the “trouble” at the Perry house. 11Ibid. Another source relates that Sheriff Frank Gordon came out and legalized the group, 12Will Pounds, former Ocoee businessman, Statson student, and a member of a pioneer Orange County family. Personal Interview., while still another source maintains that the group was not legally constituted at all, but was simply a group of men interested in “getting the nigger July Perry out of the country.” 13Clark interview, op. cit.
Whether the group of white men was a legal posse or a vigilante party may be disputed, but what happened when this group reached the Perry house is ample evidence of the poison and hatred that erupted and left two of the group dead and six of the group wounded when the smoke from the guns had cleared. The most authoritative account of this events came from the leader of the group that went to the Perry house; one half of the posse had gone to the home of Mose Norman a short distance away.
Sam Salisbury led the group of men that went to arrest July Perry. Upon answering the knock on the door, lantern in hand, and seeing the white men assembled in his yard (actually the house was surrounded), July said, “Yes suh, hoss, let me git my coat.” As he turned to re-enter the house, Mr. Salisbury grabbed him and in the forthcoming struggle pounded him on the head with the butt of an Enfield rifle as he held him by a neck hold with the other arm.
Suddenly a rifle barrel appeared from out of the house and was placed in the abdomen of Mr. Salisbury. Instinctively the gun was brushed aside and at that moment the Negro woman holding the rifle fired, the bullet striking Mr. Salisbury in the right forearm. This shot precipitated wholesale shooting by both whites and Negroes there assembled.
There were approximately thirty-seven armed Negroes in the Perry house, most of whom escaped through a trap door in the floor and fled into a cane field in the rear of the house. Before fleeing, however, they had inflicted mortal wounds on two white men, Elmer McDaniel and Leo Borgard, and injured six more, including Mr. Salisbury. 14Salisbury interview, op. cit.
Great Disparity exists in the version as recalled by a Negro man who survived the melee and by a Negro woman who was a school teacher in Winter Garden at the time. They maintained without equivocation that the only persons in the Perry house were Perry, his wife, and his daughter although Perry’s sons and two hired hands were in outlying houses in the rear of the main house. They also were “certain” the whites had killed many of their own in the three attempts made to capture Perry. He had successfully repulsed the two previous attempts because he and all the Negro community had been alerted to the impending trouble through the efforts of Jim Graver, a white man, and Allen Franks and his minister father, both Negros. 15Franks interview, op. cit., and Mrs. Martha A. Board, 92, Apopka resident and one who attempted to improve Ocoee-Winter Garden relations and Negro-white relations through her school position. Personal Interview.
Perry was the last to leave the house, and he was wounded as he entered the cane field. He was tracked down by the pursuing whites and captured, suffering a near-fatal wound in the process. By this time fire had virtually consumed both the house and the barn of Perry, and one Negro, Roosevelt Baron, lost is life in the burning barn. Two other Negroes lost their lives in this holocaust of bullets and fire. 16Salisbury interview, op. cit. The story as related by the Negroes had the wife and daughter of Will Edwards being shot and falling back into their burning home. 17Franks interview, op. cit.
Within seconds after the first shot was fired, word was sent back to town of the trouble and reinforcements were called for. Word of the episode reached Winter Garden and Orlando, and within twenty-five to thirty minutes new faces embracing all sort of ideas — curious, honorable, and dishonorable among them — arrived on the scene.
It was at this point in the proceedings that “control” of the situation slipped from the grasp of the Ocoee citizenry and shifted into the hands of “outsiders.” News of the riot had been broadcast on public screen in Orlando — a screen used to disseminate election day results — and literally hundreds of men flocked to the scene of action, armed to the teeth, and espousing such epithets as “Where are the god damned niggers?” or “I’ve come to kill a god damned nigger.”
These “outside” people from Orlando and Winter Garden were responsible for the wholesale burning of the “Northern Quarters”; virtually every Negro building in the “Northern Quarters” was destroyed or razed by fire. The homes, churches, and the lodges were damaged or destroyed; about the only Negro building in the area left undamaged was the school building, which was of course county property. 18Salisbury, op. cit. Negro property in the “Southern Quarters” was left undamaged.
The Lynching of July Perry
Frank Gordon, the Orange County Sheriff, had been one of the first to arrive on the scene from Orlando, and he had placed the wounded July Perry under arrest and had taken him to jail, by way of the hospital for treatment. Though seriously wounded, the Negro cursed his white adversaries in the vilest of language as he was being transported to jail and even as he was being treated for his injuries. 19Ibid.
At three-thirty A.M., Perry was forcibly removed from the jail by a mob of 100 enraged white men; the newspaper accounts do not say what happened to him, 20Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p 1. though it was reported by several sources that his ultimate fate was to be dangling from the end of a rope thrown over a big oak tree at the entrance of the Orlando Country Club on what is now U.S. Highway 441. 21Salisbury interview, op. cit.
All individual accounts of this portion of the night agree that July Perry was hanged, but one such account places the death spot some blocks away on Lake Adair. 22Franks interview, op. cit. Perhaps the lack of sympathy for Perry in his plight at this time is best demonstrated by a quotation from the attending surgeon at the jail: “Perry was expected to die at any moment anyway.” 23Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p 1.
It is at this juncture in the story that the white and Negro versions differed greatly. The Negro account maintained the only reason Perry was captured was because his little dog led the enraged whites to him. It also asserted that Perry was never taken to jail, but rather he was tied to the back of a car and dragged through the streets of Ocoee and to the spot where hew as hanged in Orlando. After hanging, his body was then shot up by the whites and left to “dangle in the breeze.” The next morning a Negro undertaker, J.B. Stone, removed what remained of Perry’s body and he was told if he ever again took down “a cow” the whites had strung up, he would assuredly suffer the same fate. 24Franks interview, op. cit.
Negro Section Burned
While the melee surrounding the capture of July Perry was going on, a highly flammable situation was made much worse, literally and figuratively, as the “outsiders” began to burn the Negro “Northern Quarters.” Most of the white population of Ocoee was concerned with protecting itself from expected retaliatory acts by the Negros. Though these fears never really materialized, the anxieties suffered, particularly by the women of the community, are understandable under the circumstances.
Mrs. Vivian Watson related the hysteria which was rampant in her home which was adjacent to the “Southern Quarters.” In addition to her fear for herself and her family, the hysteria was compounded by the presence in her home of the wife and children of one of the slain white men, Elmer McDaniel. 25Watson interview, op. cit. Mrs. Emma Pounds hid in a fireplace with the newborn baby of her sister-in-law, Mrs. Sam Salisbury, while her husband sought a god vantage point for firing on any Negroes who might come near his home. Mr. Pounds had teamed up with Dave Maguire in this undertaking. 26Mrs. Emma Pounds, German-born wife of Will Pounds. Personal Interview.
The fires in the Negro section continued to burn throughout the night, but there was no more gunfire of any but a sporadic nature. Most of the Negroes in the ravaged area of the community had sought refuge in the surrounding woods or in the neighboring towns of Winter Garden and Apopka, both of which had substantial Negro populations then as well as now.
The author managed to locate the daughter of July Perry who now resides in Tampa, Florida, and a daughter of Mose Norman, but he was unable to establish personal contact with them. Perry’s nephew, however, could not explain the presence of some 5,000 to 8,000 rounds of small arms ammunition which exploded as the Negro church and the Perry home burned. 27Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1. He maintained no such arsenal existed because race relations were good until the riot. 28Franks interview, op. cit. The implications made by th is arsenal in the hands of the black community is ominous, for it means drastic action of an offensive or defensive nature was planned. There has been a statement made by one white participant in the riot that the Negroes planned to take over the community. 29Boyd Wilson, an Ocoee resident and riot participant who was wounded in the hip, and one who is of the opinion the Negro is in every way inferior to the white man. Personal Interview.
Violent, armed, anti-Negro whites came to Ocoee throughout the night from as far away as Jacksonville, Arcadia, and Tampa. 30Clark interview, op. cit. The scene remained potentially explosive as long as these groups continued to converge upon the town, but fortunately level heads prevailed and the responsible members of the community, with the assistance of veteran’s groups from Orlando and surrounding areas, were able to restore a semblance of order by morning. Thus these “hotheads” were restrained from making a bad situation much worse. 31Mrs. Mary Griffin, Ocoee resident whose whome was adjacent to the “Southern Quarters.” Personal Interview.
Three Impotent Investigations
There are conflicting reports as to the number of Negroes who were actually killed as a result of the riot. All of the white participants interviewed disagreed with the newspaper report that an unaccountable number of Negroes died in the flames, that the “cremation scene was horrible.” 32Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1. The Negro account also disagreed with the newspaper story. 33Franks interview, op. cit. The Negroes asked permission to bury their dead the day following the riot, and their request was granted. Only five new graves appeared in the Negro cemetery. 34Salisbury and Franks interviews, op. cit.
The legal investigations conducted about the riot are indicative of the climate of opinion in Orange County concerning the Negro. A coroner’s jury was convened to rule on the deaths of Borgard and McDaniel; it ruled that death came to these two men at 9:00 P.M. and was caused by shots fired from Perry’s house: “This verdict is borne out by the evidence that Perry’s house was filled with armed Negroes planning a disturbance in the community.” 35Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 5, 1920, p. 1.
The investigation of the Justice Department, which had been called for by the National Equal Rights League at its meeting in Boston, Massachusetts, on November 5, 1920, 36Ibid. was conducted by three agents who stayed in the area for approximately three days. These men interviewed the known participants and assured those persons interviewed that they had nothing to fear, that the investigation was merely for the purpose of clarification, that they, the investigators — one from Georgia, one from North Carolina, and one from Tennessee — were in sympathy with Ocoee. 37Salisbury, op. cit.
Another recounting of the investigation related that its major result was the signing of a letter, by three prominent citizens, to the effect that Mose Norman and July Perry were trouble makers. Those who signed the letter were Will Pounds, Dr. Jensen, and Dallas Wurse. Nothing more was ever heard from the investigation. 38Will Pounds interview, op. cit.
Subsequent inquiries of the Federal Bureau of Investigation by the researcher were fruitless in their efforts to ascertain what officially transpired. Correspondence from the Associate Director indicated that based on information supplied by the researcher as to date the altercation and alleged events, he was unable to find any record of an investigation by the Justice Department of the Ocoee riot. 39Cartha D. DeLoach, correspondence dated April 30, 1969.
The Grand Jury investigation was just as impotent as the previous two investigations: all Klan members and others known to have participated were subpoenaed, though no action was taken against them. The sheriff and his deputies were Klan members. 40Salisbury interview, op. cit.
The son of the States Attorney in 1920 related that his father, as a result of his position, had all kinds of vituperative comments made to him and to his family. Many of the participants were good friends and classmates of his father and they were warned that such conduct could result in charges being preferred against them. However, he stated he could not ascertain just what further action was taken after his father’s trip to Ocoee on the night of the riot and at which time his warning was issued. 41Raymer Maguire, Orlando, Florida, attorney of the firm Maguire, Voorhis and Wells. Telephone conversation.
Drawing on information provided in Mr. Dabb’s thesis, I’d like to briefly detail the effects the lynching and massacre had on the community of Ocoee.
Not long after the massacre, all of the black citizens, except the ex-slave Burley Jones, left the area. The white residents of the town claimed that they paid a fair price for each of the black-owned properties. The black (former) residents denied such claims. They were paid, but it was, they said, greatly devalued.
After its black citizens left, a sign on the outskirts of town was erected warning that “Negroes and dogs” were unwelcome. The Klan made sure that even hiring a black worker from out of town was unacceptable, even into the 1960s.
The stigma of the “riot” lasted up to (and probably after) 1969, when Mr. Dabb penned his thesis. At that time, schools were finally being integrated. In protest, that summer, the Klan rallied outside the local Ocoee elementary school – though it was low in attendance. 42Dabb, 36-41.
The Poll Tax to Blame for the Lynching and Murder of Black Floridians
Florida was the first state to requite votes to pay a “poll tax,” in 1889. In order to be eligible to vote in that year’s election, every citizen, black or white, had to pay $2. In today’s money, that would be around $50 per voter.
Because Florida’s black population much generally much poorer than the white population, lawmakers were fully aware that this seemingly equal law would effectively halt the black vote. Though some poor whites could also not afford it, many polling stations simply overlooked their absence of a poll tax receipt. In other cases, wealthy candidates could pay the poll tax for their constituents, effectively buying votes. 43Darryl Paulson, “Florida’s History of Suppressing Blacks’ Votes,” Tampa Bay Times, October 10, 2013. Here.
Over Sixty Other Lynchings This Week
What follows is a list of all known racially-motivated lynchings between October 31 and November 6, 1877-1950. It should be in the forefront of your mind that the “crimes” listed are only what the victims of the lynchings were accused of committing. They were allowed no trials, and thus they were not guilty in the eyes of the law. Certainly some may have done what they were accused of doing, but in a constitutional society that values law and order over mob rule, each and every lynching was a miscarriage of justice and a horrible wrong. 44For more information on all of this, please see our post here.
It must also be remembered that this list is incomplete. Not only were there unreported lynchings, but the databases I draw from are understandably inadequate.
Year Victim City State Race Sex Form Alleged Offense
1881 Charles Jones Johnson AR Black Male Hanged Attempted rape of a married white “lady” 1901 Silas Esters LaRue KY Black Male Riddled with bullets Sexual molestation of a 15 year-old white boy 1902 "Bear" Quitman MS Black Male Burned Killing and robbing two white men 1908 William Hodges Newton MS Black Male Riddled with bullets Attempted rape of a white girl
1892 Daughter of John/Joe Hastings Catahoula LA Black Female Hanged Daughter of murderer of a white constable 1892 Son of John/Joe Hastings Catahoula LA Black Male Hanged Son of murderer of a white constable 1899 Thomas Hayden Fayette MO Black Male Hanged Killing a white man 1899 Andrew Sloss Lawrence AL Black Male Hanged Attempted criminal assault on a married white woman 1901 Theodore Booth Wilkinson GA Black Male Hanged/RwB Attempted assault of white woman, wife of a member of the Georgia legislature 1912 William Smith Jefferson AL Black Male Riddled with bullets Murder of a white man, a police detective
1877 Owen Wright Russell AL Black Male Hanged Outrage on a married white woman 1888 Makum Marshall Pierce GA Black Male Unreported Outraged a married white woman 1903 Joseph Craddock Bossier LA Black Male Hanged Murdered three black men with an ax 1907 Abe Sumrall Washington AL Black Male Hanged Murder of a young man, a Cuban 1907 Frank Lucas Washington AL Black Male Hanged Murder of a young man, a Cuban 1920 Unnamed Negro #1 Orange FL Black Male Burned Race prejudice 1920 Unnamed Negro #2 Orange FL Black Male Burned Race prejudice 1920 Unnamed Negro #3 Orange FL Black Male Burned Race prejudice 1920 Unnamed Negro #4 Orange FL Black Male Burned Race prejudice 1920 Unnamed Negro #5 Orange FL Black Female Burned Race prejudice
1884 — Waddell Little River AR White Male Hanged Hired a black man to assault his wife 1884 Charles Mitchell Little River AR Black Male Hanged Assaulted a married white woman 1886 John Hart Lee AL Black Male Hanged/RwB Murder of a crippled white man, a young farmer 1898 Charles Morrell St. John the Baptist LA Black Male Hanged Robbery of stores and homes 1901 Unnamed Negro Harrison MS Black Male Burned Criminal assault on a married white woman, wife of prominent citizen 1902 Samuel Harris Lee AL Black Male Riddled with bullets Murderous assault on a white woman and her 18 year-old daughter, the wife and daughter of a prominent planter and Harris’ employer 1903 Henry Johnson Chicot AR Black Male Hanged Implicated in the killing of a white man 1906 Jim Smith Harrison MS Black Male Riddled with bullets Attempted murder of a white man, a deputy sheriff 1907 Henry Singleton Talladega AL Black Male Riddled with bullets Implicated in the murder of a 35 year-old white man, assistant chief of police 1909 Charles Lewis Sutton WV Black Male Unknown Murder 1914 Thomas Burns Desoto MS Black Male Hanged Murderous assault on a white man, a merchant 1919 Paul Jones Bibb GA Black Male Riddled with bullets Attacking a 54 year-old white woman 1920 Julius “July” Perry Orange FL Black Male Hanged/RwB Involved in resistance against white supremacy 1923 Dallas Sowell Eufaula OK Black Male Unknown Attacking a white woman
1878 Floyd Smith DeSoto MS Black Male Hanged Murder of a 1-6 year-old white girl 1878 Maria Smith DeSoto MS Black Female Hanged Murder of a 1-6 year-old white girl 1881 Bob Williams Greenville SC Black Male Hanged Assault on a “little white girl 8 years-old” 1891 J. T. Smith Morehouse LA Black Male Hanged Murder of a white saloon keeper 1891 W. S. Felton Morehouse LA Black Male Hanged Accomplice in the murder of a white saloonkeeper 1892 John Hastings Catahoula LA Black Male Hanged Murder of a white man, a constable 1893 Mary Motlow Moore TN Black Female Hanged Suspected of barn-burning in Moore and Lincoln counties 1893 Ned Waggoner Moore TN Black Male Hanged Suspected of barn-burning in Moore and Lincoln counties 1893 Samuel Motlow Moore TN Black Male Hanged Suspected of barn-burning in Moore and Lincoln counties 1893 Will Waggoner Moore TN Black Male Hanged Suspected of barn-burning 1907 Alexander Johnson Caneron TX Black Male Hanged Attempted criminal assault 1913 John Cudjo Wewoka OK Black Male Hanged/RwB Killing a white police officer 1935 Baxter Bell Cheatham TN Black Male Shot Slapping a white woman
1881 Massy Hill Coffee TN Black Male Unreported Assault on a young white girl 1887 George Hart Lee AL Black Male Hanged Murder and robbery of a crippled white man, a young farmer 1898 John Williams Autauga AL Black Male Hanged Being under a married white woman’s bed, wife of a merchant and Justice of the Peace 1903 Samuel Adams Harrison MS Black Male Hanged/strangulation Criminal assault on a married white woman 1906 William Newsome Johnson GA Black Male Shot Murder of a prominent white man 1906 — Woods Mitchell GA Black Male Shot Helping the alleged murderer of a 30 year-old white man, a farmer, to escape 1906 Meta Hicks Mitchell GA Black Female Riddled with bullets Wife of alleged murderer of a 30 year-old white man, a farmer 1916 Joseph Johnson Bay City TX Black Male Hanged Killing a white man 1918 George Taylor Wake NC Black Male Hanged/RwB Criminal assault on a married white woman, wife of a prominent farmer 1920 Benjamin Jacobs Walthall MS Black Male Hanged Attempted murder of a white man, a farmer
1896 Jim Crews Colquitt GA Black Male Shot Mistaken identity and race prejudice 1898 Arthur Williams Suwannee FL Black Male Riddled with bullets Murder of a 13 year-old white girl
References [ + ]
|1.||⇡||Lester Dabbs, Jr. “A Report of the Circumstances and Events of the Race Riot on November 2, 1920 in Ocoee, Florida,” Masters Thesis, 1969. This is, by far, the most important research on the Ocoee Massacre. It can (and should) be read here.|
|3.||⇡||Arthur Clark, a former Orange County Commissioner and Stetson student, an Ocoee resident, citusman, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal interview.|
|4.||⇡||This is a synthesis of the accounts of the activities of the day as enumerated by Msrs. Clark, Pounds, Salisbury, Wilson, etc.|
|5.||⇡||Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1. [This specific issue isn’t available to me, but I found this: The Coffeyville Daily Journal; Coffeyville, Kansas|
Wed, Nov 3, 1920 – Page 15. Here. It names July Perry, not Norman, as the man with the shotgun.]
|6.||⇡||Arthur M. Clark, retired Ocoee, Florida resident and former Stetson student, Orange County official, and Spanish American War Veteran. Personal Interview.|
|7.||⇡||Richard Allen Franks, nephew of July Perry, now a resident of Plymouth, Florida after fleeing from Ocoee to Sanford, to Jacksonville in 1920.|
|8.||⇡||Mrs. Vivian Watson, Ocoee resident whose home was adjacent to the “Southern Quarters.” Personal Interview.|
|9.||⇡||Colonel Sam C. Salisbury, a former West Point cadet, Standard Oil Company ship’s captain, Ocoee city official, and participant in the events of November, 1920. Personal Interview.|
|12.||⇡||Will Pounds, former Ocoee businessman, Statson student, and a member of a pioneer Orange County family. Personal Interview.|
|13.||⇡||Clark interview, op. cit.|
|14.||⇡||Salisbury interview, op. cit.|
|15.||⇡||Franks interview, op. cit., and Mrs. Martha A. Board, 92, Apopka resident and one who attempted to improve Ocoee-Winter Garden relations and Negro-white relations through her school position. Personal Interview.|
|16.||⇡||Salisbury interview, op. cit.|
|17.||⇡||Franks interview, op. cit.|
|18.||⇡||Salisbury, op. cit.|
|20.||⇡||Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p 1.|
|21.||⇡||Salisbury interview, op. cit.|
|22.||⇡||Franks interview, op. cit.|
|23.||⇡||Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p 1.|
|24.||⇡||Franks interview, op. cit.|
|25.||⇡||Watson interview, op. cit.|
|26.||⇡||Mrs. Emma Pounds, German-born wife of Will Pounds. Personal Interview.|
|27.||⇡||Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1.|
|28.||⇡||Franks interview, op. cit.|
|29.||⇡||Boyd Wilson, an Ocoee resident and riot participant who was wounded in the hip, and one who is of the opinion the Negro is in every way inferior to the white man. Personal Interview.|
|30.||⇡||Clark interview, op. cit.|
|31.||⇡||Mrs. Mary Griffin, Ocoee resident whose whome was adjacent to the “Southern Quarters.” Personal Interview.|
|32.||⇡||Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 3, 1920, p. 1.|
|33.||⇡||Franks interview, op. cit.|
|34.||⇡||Salisbury and Franks interviews, op. cit.|
|35.||⇡||Orlando (Florida) Morning Sentinel, November 5, 1920, p. 1.|
|37.||⇡||Salisbury, op. cit.|
|38.||⇡||Will Pounds interview, op. cit.|
|39.||⇡||Cartha D. DeLoach, correspondence dated April 30, 1969.|
|40.||⇡||Salisbury interview, op. cit.|
|41.||⇡||Raymer Maguire, Orlando, Florida, attorney of the firm Maguire, Voorhis and Wells. Telephone conversation.|
|43.||⇡||Darryl Paulson, “Florida’s History of Suppressing Blacks’ Votes,” Tampa Bay Times, October 10, 2013. Here.|
|44.||⇡||For more information on all of this, please see our post here.|